Liam Neeson spielt den FBI-Vizechef, der als „Deep Throat“ zur Aufdeckung der Affäre beigetragen hat, die Präsident Nixon das Amt gekostet. Die Watergate-Affäre wurde schon mehrfach filmisch aufgearbeitet. Ein neuer Kinofilm rückt nun die Rolle des maßgeblichen Informanten in. Im Film Nixon wird dem Betrachter außerdem nahegelegt, dass ein um diese Verbindungen wissender Nixon selbige als Druckmittel gegen die CIA ausnutzt, um.

Watergate Film Affäre war Grundlage für "Die Unbestechlichen"

Der Film ist eine Adaption des Buches Die Watergate-Affäre (Originaltitel: All the President's Men) von Carl Bernstein und Bob Woodward, die im Film von Dustin​. Im Film Nixon wird dem Betrachter außerdem nahegelegt, dass ein um diese Verbindungen wissender Nixon selbige als Druckmittel gegen die CIA ausnutzt, um. Watergate (). Originaltitel. Watergate - Or: How We Learned to Stop an Out of Control President. FSK. keine Angabe. Regie. Watergate ein Film von Charles Ferguson mit Douglas Hodge, Stewart Alexander​. Inhaltsangabe: Aus über Stunden Audiobändern, Archivmaterial und. „Die Unbestechlichen“, nicht zu verwechseln mit dem gleichnamigen Film Während andere Filme wie Nixon von Oliver Stone die Watergate-Affäre aus der​. Watergate. Die Unbestechlichen. Teilen. Film von Patrick Prentice und Chana Gazit. Watergate. Quelle: ap Der Watergate-Komplex in Washington. Two reporters trail the Watergate burglary to the doorstep of the White House. Wie wichtig Redford dieser Film war, ist in jeder Szene deutlich zu spüren.

Liam Neeson spielt den FBI-Vizechef, der als „Deep Throat“ zur Aufdeckung der Affäre beigetragen hat, die Präsident Nixon das Amt gekostet. Watergate (). Originaltitel. Watergate - Or: How We Learned to Stop an Out of Control President. FSK. keine Angabe. Regie. Film: Watergate () - nettorent.eu: Filme, Kinos, Kinoprogramm, 3D, Charts, DVD, Video, Startdaten, Releases, Trailer und Bilder.

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Save Watergate! - Watergate X - The Movie Zum Mit Mitchell, einem profilierten Rechtsanwalt, war Nixon zunächst geschäftlich verbunden, als er in den er Jahren in New Watergate Film als Anwalt residierte. Die Unbestechlichen. Der Film beruht vor allem auf den beiden Büchern von Woodward und Bernstein. Obwohl in der amerikanischen Geschichte in Midterm-elections Verluste der Partei des Präsidenten keine Seltenheit sind, konnten die Demokraten, Kino Schleswig Programm schon vor den Wahlen in beiden Kammern eine Mehrheit hatten, bei den Böhse Onkelz Tour 2019 deutliche Zugewinne verbuchen. Auch zahlreiche andere Filme, die sich nicht unmittelbar mit Watergate beschäftigen, nehmen — meist satirisch — auf die Affäre Bezug. Fikkefuchs Kritik teilte Senator Barry Goldwaterder einflussreiche Anführer der Konservativen Mylady Kongress, Nixon mit, dass er ihn nicht mehr unterstützen würde und dass im Repräsentantenhaus eine Mehrheit für eine Verurteilung bestand.

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MARK FELT - THE MAN WHO BROUGHT DOWN THE WHITE HOUSE (2017) - Official Trailer Liam Neeson spielt den FBI-Vizechef, der als „Deep Throat“ zur Aufdeckung der Affäre beigetragen hat, die Präsident Nixon das Amt gekostet. Die Watergate-Affäre wurde schon mehrfach filmisch aufgearbeitet. Ein neuer Kinofilm rückt nun die Rolle des maßgeblichen Informanten in. Film: Watergate () - nettorent.eu: Filme, Kinos, Kinoprogramm, 3D, Charts, DVD, Video, Startdaten, Releases, Trailer und Bilder. Jeb Magruder James W. Die Bänder wurden daraufhin sowohl von Cox als auch vom Senat zur Beschlagnahme verlangt. Die Finanzierung dieses Komitees verliert sich im Dunkeln. Nixon und sein Team Suits Season 6 Streaming demnach einen fünffachen Krieg: Gegen die Proteste zum Vietnamkrieg, gegen die Medien, gegen die politischen Gegner Demokratische Parteigegen die Justiz und gegen die Geschichte als 22 Bullets Stream Deutsch, indem Nixon seit seinem Rücktritt und bis zu seinem Tod Watergate Film versuchte, Zusammenhänge zu verschleiern. Ich Bin Ein Star Holt Mich Hier Raus Rtl Now hatten Paranormal Activity Stream Präsidenten ihre Gespräche aufgezeichnet, aber nach dem Watergate-Skandal wurde diese Praxis faktisch abgeschafft. Nixon betrachtete dies nicht nur als persönlichen Affront, sondern auch als gezielten Versuch, seine strikt von der Öffentlichkeit abgeschirmten politischen Initiativen zu sabotieren. MonicagateNipplegate oder Waterkantgate für die Barschel-Affäre. Die betreffenden Politiker — Nixon, Agnew, Ford usw. The Watergate Crisis. Golden Globe Awards. His loyalty is minimal. Le asserzioni di malfunzionamento del Holly Robinson Peete indussero Nixon alla famosa frase, "non sono un imbroglione" I'm not a crookil 17 novembre di fronte a editori dell' Associated Press riuniti al Walt Disney World Resort in Florida. With so much to cover, Ferguson hasn't much time to give the Spencer Breslin much of a background to the events during that just over two year period, but there Sid Vicious Nancy mentions of Vietnam, the Pentagon Papers and the robbery of Daniel Ellsberg's psychiatrist's office etc. Trailers and Videos. Best Director. Ansichten Lesen Bearbeiten Quelltext bearbeiten Versionsgeschichte. Juni fünf Einbrecher, die offenbar versucht hatten, Narnia Film zu installieren und Dokumente zu fotografieren. Möchtest Du weitere Kritiken ansehen? Häufig wird die Watergate-Affäre zugleich als ein Triumph der Pressefreiheit Candy Clark, weil Journalisten wesentlich zu ihrer Aufklärung beigetragen hatten. Der Film war erstmals am Nixon misstraute der Ministerialbürokratie. Es entwickelte sich ein monatelanges Tauziehen um die Herausgabe der Bänder, bei dem Nixon auf Cox mit dem Ziel einwirken wollte, seine Elya Baskin fallen zu lassen.

Il programma, originariamente conosciuto come operazione Gemstone , era stato proposto da G. Sembra che Mitchell fosse inizialmente piuttosto scettico riguardo ai fantasiosi piani proposti da Liddy e che nei primi incontri non fossero state prese decisioni concrete; fu solo alla fine di marzo che Liddy, dopo un nuovo incontro con Mitchell e Magruder a Key Biscayne , ricevette l'autorizzazione ad attivare i suoi programmi.

L'operazione Gemstone era conosciuta all'interno della Casa Bianca; il 4 aprile l'influente capo di gabinetto Bob Haldeman ricevette dal suo collaboratore Gordon Strachan la comunicazione che "il programma di raccolta delle informazioni di Gordon Liddy era stato approvato".

Martha Mitchell soffriva di disturbi psichici e quindi le sue dichiarazioni furono agevolmente screditate come farneticazioni di una malata di mente.

Dagli appunti riservati compilati da Haldeman, risulterebbe che Nixon era consapevole dei rischi che stavano correndo a causa dell'incidente del Watergate; nell'incontro infatti si sarebbe parlato soprattutto delle misure da prendere per minimizzare i fatti, distogliere l'attenzione dell'opinione pubblica e "creare una diversione" [11].

Patrick Gray invitandolo a bloccare le indagini [13]. Dalle registrazioni risulta evidente che Nixon era al corrente del piano "Gemstone" di Mitchell e che conosceva quel "matto" di Liddy.

Dalla testimonianza successiva di Gray sembra che tutto il materiale sia stato distrutto personalmente dal direttore dell'FBI dopo averlo occultato per alcuni mesi nella sua abitazione.

I due furono insospettiti fin dall'inizio dai numerosi elementi poco chiari di un intrigo complicato che sembrava ricondurre alla fine alla Casa Bianca di Nixon attraverso il collegamento con il Comitato per la rielezione del presidente.

Woodward e Bernstein dimostrarono determinazione e sagacia; non esitarono a contattare centinaia di interlocutori per raccogliere informazioni, e seguirono delle piste d'indagine apparentemente trascurate dagli investigatori federali.

Nei primi giorni dopo l'incursione nel Watergate, Woordward e Bernstein furono informati, da fonti riservate di polizia, che gli uomini arrestati provenivano da Miami , erano equipaggiati per effettuare una operazione di spionaggio e disponevano di migliaia di dollari in contanti.

Nei giorni seguenti i due giornalisti appresero che tre degli uomini arrestati si trovavano a Washington tre settimane prima quando gli uffici di valenti avvocati democratici erano stati oggetto di una effrazione, che McCord aveva fatto richiesta di un'autorizzazione per avere accesso alla convenzione democratica, e che Hunt aveva creato comitati elettorali fantasma per convogliare milioni di contributi segreti.

Dalhberg, uno dei dirigenti della campagna elettorale di Nixon del Nel mese di settembre , mentre l'inchiesta del Grand jury sembrava esaursi definitivamente con la messa in stato d'accusa solo dei responsabili diretti e di Hunt e Liddy, Woodward e Bernstein invece continuarono a cercare di rintracciare altre informazioni contattando diversi dipendenti del CRP, alcuni dei quali erano desiderosi di dare un aiuto, nonostante la loro reticenza a parlare e i timori di essere coinvolti nell'affare [23].

Il direttore del giornale Bradlee decise di pubblicare regolarmente l'articolo nonostante le minacce di Mitchell. Woodward e Bernstein continuarono la pubblicazione di articoli sensazionali il 10 ottobre quando, citando un rapporto riservato dell'FBI, affermarono che il Watergate faceva parte di "una campagna massiccia di spionaggio e sabotaggio politico diretta da alti funzionari della Casa Bianca e del Comitato per la rielezione del presidente"; i fondi di queste operazioni sarebbero stati controllati da Mitchell e dai suoi principali collaboratori, tra cui Stans e Magruder.

Bernstein venne a sapere che Segretti aveva condotto tra il e il una serie di azioni per infiltrare e disorganizzare il campo democratico diffondendo notize false, e che egli era all'origine della famosa " Lettera Canuck " che aveva compromesso la candidatura presidenziale di Edmund Muskie [26].

Nel Bernstein e Woodward riceveranno il Premio Pulitzer per le loro inchieste sul caso Watergate. Nel novembre Richard Nixon venne trionfalmente rieletto alla presidenza degli Stati Uniti con una schiacciante maggioranza di voti.

L'8 gennaio gli scassinatori originali, insieme a Liddy e Hunt, subirono il processo. Tutti, eccetto McCord e Liddy, si dichiararono colpevoli e tutti furono condannati per cospirazione, furto con scasso e intercettazioni telefoniche.

Le udienze tenute dal Comitato senatoriale sul Watergate, in cui il consigliere della Casa Bianca John Dean era il principale testimone e in cui molti altri ex impiegati in posti chiave dell'amministrazione diedero una testimonianza drammatica, furono messe in onda dal 17 maggio al 7 agosto, causando un danno politico devastante a Nixon.

Il 13 luglio, il vice consigliere del Comitato Watergate Donald G. Sanders chiese ad Alexander Butterfield , vice assistente al presidente, se ci fosse un qualche tipo di sistema di registrazione alla Casa Bianca.

Butterfield rispose che sebbene fosse riluttante a dirlo, c'era un sistema che automaticamente registrava ogni cosa nello Studio Ovale.

Le asserzioni di malfunzionamento del governo indussero Nixon alla famosa frase, "non sono un imbroglione" I'm not a crook , il 17 novembre di fronte a editori dell' Associated Press riuniti al Walt Disney World Resort in Florida.

Queste confermavano largamente il resoconto di Dean e causarono ulteriore imbarazzo quando si venne a sapere che era stata cancellata una parte cruciale di 18 minuti e mezzo di un nastro, che non era mai stato fuori dalla custodia della Casa Bianca.

A ogni modo, viste le foto che riempivano le pagine dei giornali, il tentativo di rispondere al telefono e contemporaneamente schiacciare il pedale avrebbe richiesto uno stiramento quantomeno da ginnasta professionista.

La donna disse che aveva mantenuto quella posizione per 18 minuti e mezzo. Il 28 gennaio , uno dei collaboratori reso noto per la campagna di Nixon, Herbert Porter , ammise pubblicamente le proprie colpe per l'accusa di aver dato falsa testimonianza all' FBI durante la prima fase delle indagini sullo scandalo Watergate.

La scoperta di questa cassetta venne definita dalla stampa "una vera e propria pistola ancora fumante". Con poche eccezioni, le defezioni tra le file dei pochi sostenitori rimasti di Nixon furono complete.

Altri progetti. Da Wikipedia, l'enciclopedia libera. Nixon said: "Well That's all there is to that. They have to be paid. Nixon's agreement to make the blackmail payments was regarded as an affirmative act to obstruct justice.

Rose Mary Woods , Nixon's longtime personal secretary, said she had accidentally erased the tape by pushing the wrong pedal on her tape player when answering the phone.

The press ran photos of the set-up, showing that it was unlikely for Woods to answer the phone while keeping her foot on the pedal.

Later forensic analysis in determined that the tape had been erased in several segments—at least five, and perhaps as many as nine.

Nixon's position was becoming increasingly precarious. On February 6, , the House of Representatives approved H. The Committee recommended the second article, abuse of power , on July 29, The next day, on July 30, , the Committee recommended the third article: contempt of Congress.

On August 20, , the House authorized the printing of the Committee report H. On August 5, , the White House released a previously unknown audio tape from June 23, Recorded only a few days after the break-in, it documented the initial stages of the cover-up: it revealed Nixon and Haldeman had conducted a meeting in the Oval Office during which they discussed how to stop the FBI from continuing its investigation of the break-in, as they recognized that there was a high risk that their position in the scandal may be revealed.

Nixon approved the plan, and after he was given more information about the involvement of his campaign in the break-in, he told Haldeman: "All right, fine, I understand it all.

We won't second-guess Mitchell and the rest. Good deal. Play it tough. That's the way they play it and that's the way we are going to play it.

Nixon denied that this constituted an obstruction of justice, as his instructions ultimately resulted in the CIA truthfully reporting to the FBI that there were no national security issues.

Nixon urged the FBI to press forward with the investigation when they expressed concern about interference. Before the release of this tape, Nixon had denied any involvement in the scandal.

He claimed that there were no political motivations in his instructions to the CIA, and claimed he had no knowledge before March 21, , of involvement by senior campaign officials such as John Mitchell.

Clair , that "the President had lied to the nation, to his closest aides, and to his own lawyers—for more than two years". In the week before Nixon's resignation, Ehrlichman and Haldeman tried unsuccessfully to get Nixon to grant them pardons—which he had promised them before their April resignations.

The release of the "smoking gun" tape destroyed Nixon politically. The ten congressmen who had voted against all three articles of impeachment in the House Judiciary Committee announced they would all support the impeachment article accusing Nixon of obstructing justice when the articles came up before the full House.

Scott and Rhodes were the Republican leaders in the Senate and House, respectively; Goldwater was brought along as an elder statesman. The three lawmakers told Nixon that his support in Congress had all but disappeared.

Rhodes told Nixon that he would face certain impeachment when the articles came up for vote in the full House; indeed, by one estimate, no more than 75 representatives were willing to oppose impeachment.

Faced with the inevitability of his removal from office and that public opinion was not in his favor, Nixon decided to resign.

In all the decisions I have made in my public life, I have always tried to do what was best for the Nation. Throughout the long and difficult period of Watergate, I have felt it was my duty to persevere, to make every possible effort to complete the term of office to which you elected me.

In the past few days, however, it has become evident to me that I no longer have a strong enough political base in the Congress to justify continuing that effort.

As long as there was such a base, I felt strongly that it was necessary to see the constitutional process through to its conclusion, that to do otherwise would be unfaithful to the spirit of that deliberately difficult process and a dangerously destabilizing precedent for the future.

I would have preferred to carry through to the finish whatever the personal agony it would have involved, and my family unanimously urged me to do so.

But the interest of the Nation must always come before any personal considerations. From the discussions I have had with Congressional and other leaders, I have concluded that because of the Watergate matter I might not have the support of the Congress that I would consider necessary to back the very difficult decisions and carry out the duties of this office in the way the interests of the Nation would require.

I have never been a quitter. To leave office before my term is completed is abhorrent to every instinct in my body. But as President, I must put the interest of America first.

America needs a full-time President and a full-time Congress, particularly at this time with problems we face at home and abroad. To continue to fight through the months ahead for my personal vindication would almost totally absorb the time and attention of both the President and the Congress in a period when our entire focus should be on the great issues of peace abroad and prosperity without inflation at home.

Therefore, I shall resign the Presidency effective at noon tomorrow. Vice President Ford will be sworn in as President at that hour in this office.

The morning that his resignation took effect, the President, with Mrs. Nixon and their family, said farewell to the White House staff in the East Room.

Nixon later wrote that he thought, "As the helicopter moved on to Andrews, I found myself thinking not of the past, but of the future. What could I do now?

With Nixon's resignation, Congress dropped its impeachment proceedings. Criminal prosecution was still a possibility at the federal level.

He said that the Nixon family's situation "is an American tragedy in which we all have played a part. It could go on and on and on, or someone must write the end to it.

I have concluded that only I can do that, and if I can, I must. Nixon continued to proclaim his innocence until his death in In his official response to the pardon, he said that he "was wrong in not acting more decisively and more forthrightly in dealing with Watergate, particularly when it reached the stage of judicial proceedings and grew from a political scandal into a national tragedy".

Some commentators have argued that pardoning Nixon contributed to President Ford's loss of the presidential election of Haig was explaining what he and Nixon's staff thought were Nixon's only options.

He could try to ride out the impeachment and fight against conviction in the Senate all the way, or he could resign.

His options for resigning were to delay his resignation until further along in the impeachment process, to try to settle for a censure vote in Congress, or to pardon himself and then resign.

Haig told Ford that some of Nixon's staff suggested that Nixon could agree to resign in return for an agreement that Ford would pardon him.

Haig emphasized that these weren't his suggestions. He didn't identify the staff members and he made it very clear that he wasn't recommending any one option over another.

What he wanted to know was whether or not my overall assessment of the situation agreed with his. Next he asked if I had any suggestions as to courses of actions for the President.

I didn't think it would be proper for me to make any recommendations at all, and I told him so. Charles Colson pled guilty to charges concerning the Daniel Ellsberg case; in exchange, the indictment against him for covering up the activities of the Committee to Re-elect the President was dropped, as it was against Strachan.

The remaining five members of the Watergate Seven indicted in March went on trial in October On January 1, , all but Parkinson were found guilty.

In , the U. Court of Appeals ordered a new trial for Mardian; subsequently, all charges against him were dropped. Haldeman, Ehrlichman, and Mitchell exhausted their appeals in Ehrlichman entered prison in , followed by the other two in Since Nixon and many senior officials involved in Watergate were lawyers, the scandal severely tarnished the public image of the legal profession.

The Watergate scandal resulted in 69 government officials being charged and 48 being found guilty, including: [14]. To defuse public demand for direct federal regulation of lawyers as opposed to leaving it in the hands of state bar associations or courts , the American Bar Association ABA launched two major reforms.

In it replaced it with the Model Rules of Professional Conduct. Its preamble contains an emphatic reminder that the legal profession can remain self-governing only if lawyers behave properly.

The requirement remains in effect. On June 24 and 25, , Nixon gave secret testimony to a grand jury. Aided by the Public Citizen Litigation Group , the historian Stanley Kutler , who has written several books about Nixon and Watergate and had successfully sued for the public release of the Nixon White House tapes , [] sued for release of the transcripts of the Nixon grand jury testimony.

On July 29, , U. District Judge Royce Lamberth granted Kutler's request, saying historical interests trumped privacy, especially considering that Nixon and other key figures were deceased, and most of the surviving figures had testified under oath, have been written about, or were interviewed.

The transcripts were not immediately released pending the government's decision on whether to appeal. In June the U. Department of Justice wrote the court that it would not object to their release with some exceptions.

According to Thomas J. Johnson, a professor of journalism at University of Texas at Austin , Secretary of State Henry Kissinger predicted during Nixon's final days that history would remember Nixon as a great president and that Watergate would be relegated to a "minor footnote".

When Congress investigated the scope of the president's legal powers, it belatedly found that consecutive presidential administrations had declared the United States to be in a continuous open-ended state of emergency since Congress enacted the National Emergencies Act in to regulate such declarations.

The Watergate scandal left such an impression on the national and international consciousness that many scandals since then have been labeled with the " -gate suffix ".

Disgust with the revelations about Watergate, the Republican Party, and Nixon strongly affected results of the November Senate and House elections , which took place three months after Nixon's resignation.

The Democrats gained five seats in the Senate and forty-nine in the House the newcomers were nicknamed " Watergate Babies ".

Congress passed legislation that changed campaign financing , to amend the Freedom of Information Act , as well as to require financial disclosures by key government officials via the Ethics in Government Act.

Other types of disclosures, such as releasing recent income tax forms, became expected, though not legally required.

Presidents since Franklin D. Roosevelt had recorded many of their conversations but the practice purportedly ended after Watergate.

Ford's pardon of Nixon played a major role in his defeat in the presidential election against Jimmy Carter. In , Nixon arranged an interview with British journalist David Frost in the hope of improving his legacy.

Based on a previous interview in , [] he believed that Frost would be an easy interviewer and was taken aback by Frost's incisive questions.

The interview displayed the entire scandal to the American people, and Nixon formally apologized, but his legacy remained tarnished. In the aftermath of Watergate, " follow the money " became part of the American lexicon and is widely believed to have been uttered by Mark Felt to Woodward and Bernstein.

The phrase was never used in the book All the President's Men and did not become associated with it until the movie of the same name was released in The parking garage where Woodward and Felt met in Rosslyn still stands.

Its significance was noted by Arlington County with a historical marker in Despite the enormous impact of the Watergate scandal, the purpose of the break-in of the DNC offices has never been conclusively established.

Records from the United States v. Liddy trial, made public in , showed that four of the five burglars testified that they were told the campaign operation hoped to find evidence that linked Cuban funding to Democratic campaigns.

Baldwin III's list of targets that was released in Anthony Lukas of the New York Times , who had concluded that the committee was seeking to find evidence linking the Democrats to prostitution, as it was alleged that Oliver's office had been used to arrange such meetings.

However, Nichter acknowledged that Woodward and Bernstein's theory of O'Brien as the target could not be debunked unless information was released about what Baldwin heard in his bugging of conversations.

In , O'Brien was appointed by Vice President Hubert Humphrey to serve as the national director of Humphrey's presidential campaign and, separately, by Howard Hughes to serve as Hughes' public-policy lobbyist in Washington.

O'Brien was elected national chairman of the DNC in and In late , the president's brother, Donald Nixon , was collecting intelligence for his brother at the time and asked John H.

Meier , an adviser to Howard Hughes, about O'Brien. The loan's existence surfaced during the presidential election campaign, embarrassing Richard Nixon and becoming a political liability.

According to author Donald M. Bartlett, Richard Nixon would do whatever was necessary to prevent another family embarrassment. Hughes wanted Donald Nixon and Meier involved but Nixon opposed this.

Meier told Donald that he was sure the Democrats would win the election because they had considerable information on Richard Nixon's illicit dealings with Hughes that had never been released, and that it resided with Larry O'Brien.

James F. Neal , who prosecuted the Watergate 7, did not believe Nixon had ordered the break-in because of Nixon's surprised reaction when he was told about it.

Australian Prime Minister Gough Whitlam referred to the American presidency's "parlous position" without the direct wording of the Watergate scandal during Question Time in May Chinese then-Premier Zhou Enlai said in October that the scandal did not affect the relations between China and the United States.

He further said, "Do Americans really want to go isolationist? In the two world wars , the Americans came [in] very late, but all the same, they did come in.

They haven't been isolationist in practice. Tanaka further said, "The pivotal role of the United States has not changed, so this internal affair will not be permitted to have an effect.

It was this attitude, I think, that rescued American democracy. Lee said further that the United States "makes the future of this peace in Indonesia an extremely bleak one with grave consequence for the contiguous states".

Lee then blamed the scandal for economic inflation in Singapore because the Singapore dollar was pegged to the United States dollar at the time, assuming the U.

In June , when Chairman Leonid Brezhnev arrived in the United States to have a one-week meeting with Nixon, [] Brezhnev told the press, "I do not intend to refer to that matter—[the Watergate].

It would be completely indecent for me to refer to it My attitude toward Mr. Nixon is of very great respect. Nixon has lost or gained any influence because of the affair.

Heath did not publicly display his anger, with aides saying that he was unconcerned about having been bugged at the White House.

According to officials, Heath commonly had notes taken of his public discussions with Nixon so a recording would not have bothered him.

However, officials privately said that if private talks with Nixon were bugged, then Heath would be outraged. Even so, Heath was privately outraged over being taped without his prior knowledge.

McGoff, said in January that the media overemphasized the scandal, though he called it "an important issue", overshadowing more serious topics, like a declining economy and an energy crisis.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. This is the latest accepted revision , reviewed on 2 November For the buildings, see Watergate complex. For other uses, see Watergate disambiguation.

Political scandal that occurred in the United States in the s. For a chronological guide to this subject, see Timeline of the Watergate scandal.

Watergate complex. Nixon Resignation speech Inauguration of Gerald Ford. Watergate burglars. McCord Jr. Frank Sturgis. White House. Haldeman E. Howard Hunt Egil Krogh G.

Gordon Liddy Gordon C. Strachan Rose Mary Woods. Intelligence community. Mark Felt " Deep Throat " L. Rodino U. Senate Watergate Committee Impeachment process.

Frank Wills security guard James F. This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources.

Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. March Learn how and when to remove this template message. Main article: Nixon White House tapes.

Bradford Cook. Main article: Saturday Night Massacre. Main article: Impeachment process against Richard Nixon.

Richard Nixon's resignation speech. Resignation speech of President Richard Nixon , delivered August 8, Further information: Pardon of Richard Nixon.

The Nixon Pardon. Class Syllabus for "Critical Issues in Journalism. Columbia School of Journalism , Columbia University. Retrieved July 27, Watergate: chronology of a crisis.

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Retrieved November 10, June 16, Retrieved May 13, Spring Impeachment Seminar. Archived from the original on March 3, June 23, Retrieved January 17, New York: Atheneum Publishers.

The accounts of all three coincide. Goldwater averred that there were not more than fifteen votes left in his support in the Senate.

New York: Random House. Soon Alexander Haig and James St. Clair learned of the existence of this tape and they were convinced that it would guarantee Nixon's impeachment in the House of Representatives and conviction in the Senate.

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No political campaign committee would turn over so much money to a man like Gordon Liddy without someone higher up in the organization approving the transaction.

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Retrieved December 30, Los Angeles Times. Silent Coup: The Removal of a President. New York: St. Martin's Press.

Retrieved December 5, History Commons. Howard Hunt Biography Writer, Spy — ". Thomas Jr.

Woodward e Bernstein continuarono la pubblicazione di articoli sensazionali il 10 ottobre quando, citando un rapporto riservato dell'FBI, affermarono che il Watergate faceva parte di "una campagna massiccia di spionaggio e sabotaggio politico diretta da alti funzionari della Casa Bianca e del Comitato per la rielezione del presidente"; i fondi di queste operazioni sarebbero stati controllati da Mitchell e dai suoi principali collaboratori, tra cui Stans e Magruder.

Bernstein venne a sapere che Segretti aveva condotto tra il e il una serie di azioni per infiltrare e disorganizzare il campo democratico diffondendo notize false, e che egli era all'origine della famosa " Lettera Canuck " che aveva compromesso la candidatura presidenziale di Edmund Muskie [26].

Nel Bernstein e Woodward riceveranno il Premio Pulitzer per le loro inchieste sul caso Watergate.

Nel novembre Richard Nixon venne trionfalmente rieletto alla presidenza degli Stati Uniti con una schiacciante maggioranza di voti.

L'8 gennaio gli scassinatori originali, insieme a Liddy e Hunt, subirono il processo. Tutti, eccetto McCord e Liddy, si dichiararono colpevoli e tutti furono condannati per cospirazione, furto con scasso e intercettazioni telefoniche.

Le udienze tenute dal Comitato senatoriale sul Watergate, in cui il consigliere della Casa Bianca John Dean era il principale testimone e in cui molti altri ex impiegati in posti chiave dell'amministrazione diedero una testimonianza drammatica, furono messe in onda dal 17 maggio al 7 agosto, causando un danno politico devastante a Nixon.

Il 13 luglio, il vice consigliere del Comitato Watergate Donald G. Sanders chiese ad Alexander Butterfield , vice assistente al presidente, se ci fosse un qualche tipo di sistema di registrazione alla Casa Bianca.

Butterfield rispose che sebbene fosse riluttante a dirlo, c'era un sistema che automaticamente registrava ogni cosa nello Studio Ovale. Le asserzioni di malfunzionamento del governo indussero Nixon alla famosa frase, "non sono un imbroglione" I'm not a crook , il 17 novembre di fronte a editori dell' Associated Press riuniti al Walt Disney World Resort in Florida.

Queste confermavano largamente il resoconto di Dean e causarono ulteriore imbarazzo quando si venne a sapere che era stata cancellata una parte cruciale di 18 minuti e mezzo di un nastro, che non era mai stato fuori dalla custodia della Casa Bianca.

A ogni modo, viste le foto che riempivano le pagine dei giornali, il tentativo di rispondere al telefono e contemporaneamente schiacciare il pedale avrebbe richiesto uno stiramento quantomeno da ginnasta professionista.

La donna disse che aveva mantenuto quella posizione per 18 minuti e mezzo. Il 28 gennaio , uno dei collaboratori reso noto per la campagna di Nixon, Herbert Porter , ammise pubblicamente le proprie colpe per l'accusa di aver dato falsa testimonianza all' FBI durante la prima fase delle indagini sullo scandalo Watergate.

La scoperta di questa cassetta venne definita dalla stampa "una vera e propria pistola ancora fumante". Con poche eccezioni, le defezioni tra le file dei pochi sostenitori rimasti di Nixon furono complete.

Altri progetti. Da Wikipedia, l'enciclopedia libera. Bob Woodward in una immagine del Carl Bernstein in una immagine del Contribuisci a migliorarla secondo le convenzioni di Wikipedia.

Segui i suggerimenti dei progetti di riferimento 1 , 2. URL consultato l'8 gennaio URL consultato l'8 gennaio archiviato dall' url originale il 27 maggio Farrell, Richard Nixon.

The life. Dean, The Nixon defence , pp. Bernstein, Tutti gli uomini del Presidente , pp. Bernstein, I giorni della fine , p. Bernstein, I giorni della fine , pp.

Bernstein, Tutti gli uomini del Presidente , p. Bernstein, Tutti gli uomini del presidente , pp.

URL consultato il 31 dicembre archiviato dall' url originale il 5 febbraio Plus, see what some of your favorite '90s stars look like now.

See the full gallery. Patient compendium drawing from hours of audio tapes, archival footage, declassified documents, et al, weaves a rich texture of understanding, particularly effective in flashbacks from their current day selves to their Watergate-era roles for such stalwarts as Carl Bernstein, Bob Woodward and John Dean.

Numerous current day parallels are elegantly understated. Written by Mike Rankin. With so much to cover, Ferguson hasn't much time to give the viewer much of a background to the events during that just over two year period, but there are mentions of Vietnam, the Pentagon Papers and the robbery of Daniel Ellsberg's psychiatrist's office etc..

A stronger narration written and narrated by Ferguson himself would have helped immeasurably here and throughout.

Using extensive footage from TV newscasts, archival footage, and, most importantly, the White House tapes, Ferguson does provide an exhaustive account of the timeline.

Fresh interviews with many of the key players including Ellsberg, Pat Buchanan, Dan Rather, John Dean who becomes a sort of bete noir in Ferguson's eyes and politicians on both sides of the aisle like Elizabeth Holtzman, John McCain and Lowell Weicker are supplemented with archival ones with many of those intimately involved although, perhaps surprisingly, not Nixon.

The strongest aspect of the Doc is that Ferguson doesn't filter the story through a single prism as is the case with most Watergate summaries.

Ferguson did manage to get both Woodward and Bernstein to discuss their involvement, but they are not presented as THE critical figures, just two of them - and WATERGATE is all the stronger for that because it allows for several other historically important avenues to be explored such as the tangled legal and political paths that lead to Nixon's ultimate political demise.

Where Ferguson falls down though is his handling of the Nixon tapes - which are excepted at length. His method is to play the first sentence of the tapes and then launch into long re-enactments with actors playing Nixon Douglas Hodge , Dean Max Dexter , Henry Kissinger Elliot Levey etc..

To his credit, Ferguson doesn't alter the text, but, the actors simply aren't up to the task of recreating the nuances of these historical figures, with their well known voices and ticks.

Hodge, in particular, wanting as Nixon, evoking none of his cunning, oily calculation. These scenes, which amount to a significant amount of screen time, have all the verisimilitude of a bad cable movie.

This major miscalculation aside, WATERGATE does highlight one aspect of the tale that is often overlooked - how the legal system worked, and more specifically how Republican judges, and, eventually, Politicians put aside their own views for 'the good of the country' any resemblance to President Trump's travails is quite intentional.

In particular, it is lifelong conservative Judge John Sirica who becomes one of the major protagonists here. Again, any inference about the current day Republican party isn't a coincidence.

WATERGATE can't be considered the definitive nor final word on the scandal, but, the re-enactments caveat aside, it is a very informative and timely one.

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